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Democracy
in Rwanda
a. A change for an
inclusive leadership.
The Rwandans, more than ever, have a deep need for change.
Only the political parties that guarantee healthy political competition can
effect this change. The Rwandans are sufficiently mature to know how to
distinguish good from evil, the wheat from the chaff.
The leaders of the political parties should not look to
create confusion on ‘Rwandan-ness’ of some, of the ‘Hutu-ness’ or the
‘Tutsi-ness’ of others when they speak to the Rwandan people. The Rwandans need
a programme for change, a precise programme with clear objectives and the means
to achieve them. The leaders should not disguise historic realities. They must
be recognised, shouldered, exposed and not used as a political means of
exclusion or as a lethal weapon for the eternal confiscation of power.
The past of the Hutus and the Tutsis is a real fact of our
history. We take this on. But this past should not be considered as a way of
intimidating the citizens so as to take control of the power in Rwanda. On the
contrary the people themselves must be given the chance decide calmly who they
wish to govern them.
Today the problem is not that a Hutu or a Tutsi has power. We
know the value of each and the role which both have played in the horrors that
have scarred our country. What counts is to work so that father, mother and
children all have enough to eat today and tomorrow, that their health and
well-being and the education of their children be guaranteed.
All this must be carried out in surroundings of peace and
security where good relations exist between all citizens.
b. An integrated
political programme
Today, even more than in the past, we must insist on a
coherent economic programme, directed towards the rural population. We must
avoid the budget deficits caused by useless programmes whose debts will become
heavy burdens on our children. Must we continue to fight in the DRC? No. I am in
favour of complete withdrawal of the Rwandan military forces and the withdrawal
of all support for Congolese rebels.
I support the Pretoria agreement signed at the end of July
2002 between Rwanda and the DRC. War pays for itself and such an aim, even
disguised, is useless. We must negotiate with our Congolese brothers to resolve
our differences peacefully, if there are indeed differences to resolve.
We must distinguish between the Rwandan fighters and the real
refugees who live in DRC. The latter deserve to be protected by the
international community if they do not wish to return to their country of
origin. It is their choice and it must be respected. On the other hand, for
those who opt to return to their country, this should not be guaranteed only to
the refugees in DRC but also to all the other Rwandan refugees in other African
countries (Congo, Brazzaville, Central African Republic, East and South Africa)
in Europe and in North America.
Many qualified young people live abroad but their dearest
wish is to return to their country and contribute to its social and economic
development. A coherent economic programme requires a coherent policy and follow
up for their return. We must create normal security conditions based on
principles of liberty, democratic principles, so that not only the young people
but the adults, wherever they may be, can return to their country and can
compete with the other young people who stayed in Rwanda. Such constructive
competition is not to be suppressed but should be encouraged for the good of our
country.
We must promote credit arrangements for small businesses,
whilst re-examining the customs regulations and taxes and levies. All economic
policies which create victims and not beneficiaries should be resisted because
they do not serve the interests of the majority of the population but merely a
small fraction of the population.
The final goal of an economic programme should be the
development of each citizen. The wage earners, the students from poor and rural
backgrounds, the young people from town and country, the crop growers and those
who raise animals, the civil servants, the craftsmen, all need to be reassured
of an assured future, which insists upon income, housing, health, education,
transport, drinking water, culture, sport, leisure and, above all, security for
everyone. This is fundamental for the progress of our economy.
Our current rulers have improved the situation of some weaker
social groups like orphans, widows, survivors of all sorts but have neglected
the rural people who are today virtually abandoned.
The situation in Rwanda requires an overall economic plan
that goes beyond the vague desires of the president of the republic, the
fiddling of figures by the Minister of Finance and Economy and the official
declarations of the Rwandan government. This plan should require the application
of all those who make up Rwandan society. Reforms are necessary and must be
discussed in a very broad framework in order to involve a large number of
Rwandans in the taking of decisions on these reforms. This framework will allow
us to bring together our best economists, sociologists, managers, agronomists,
education specialists as well as national NGOs, representatives of economic
operators from many levels and businessmen. All this with the aim of making an
inventory of national resources, proceeding from there to the definition of
requirements and the identification of ways to reach the objectives which have
been set.
c. Need
for freedom of association and expression
Within the political plan, I firmly believe that it is a
natural right of all Rwandans to belong to and to join a party of their choice.
It is time for the Rwandans to free themselves from the single party imposed on
them to serve the interests of the oligarchs and the members of the “akuzu”.
The FPR cannot take the example of the MRND as a single party
whilst disguising itself under cover of the FORUM OF PARTIES and leaving us in
the same situation. Rwandans, without exception, have all been victims during
the genocide, of the diabolic acts of those who profited from the rule of a
single party, the MRND. We cannot accept that another single party exist,
knowing as we do the disastrous consequences that this represents, in the long
term, for the future of our country.
To accept a repeat of the same experience because we have a
fear of dying would be a betrayal of those who have died for their political
opinions. The fight remains the same and must continue until democratic victory
is achieved. One must confront the fear.
How can we in all calmness carry on our policy whilst we know
that the former president of the Rwandan republic, from the FPR, his close
collaborator, from the PSD party and the secretary general of the MDR party, are
imprisoned in Kigali for their opinions on political reform in the country. The
FPR regime has to release them unconditionally so that they can continue their
political activities without having to kneel to anyone. All political parties,
including the FPR, should conform with the CODE OF POLITICAL ETHICS defined by
the Arusha Peace Accord, a code which an integral part of the Fundamental law.
d. Political change
and the role of the international community
The draft constitution, at present being examined before
being submitted to a referendum, should be frozen until it can be the subject
for a wide discussion in a framework similar to that for a national and
sovereign council (Rukokoma). As for the elections, they cannot take place
except if the political parties are allowed to function freely and without risk
of repercussions. On the other hand, if they must take place in the conditions
and environment prepared by the regime, this would be an indirect way of
prolonging the transition for another 5 years.
The role of the international community, which is financing
the elections in Rwanda, is of great importance. The elections, which will take
place after a series of tragedies and a transition period of 9 years, must be
transparent. The international community must assure itself that the Kigali
regime fulfils all conditions and guarantees the security of each citizen so
that these elections, which will determine the destiny of our people, do not
become another tragedy in either the short or long term.
It is absolutely essential that the situation be changed. And
it will not change positively whilst the strong forces of the country and the
diaspora are not engaged on useful projects necessary for the correct
functioning of their society. My conviction is that Rwanda is ripe to be
delivered from political evil and to become a State of law. This state of law
must be put in place. There is no alternative. We must accept a change in
government and reject violence and manipulation by falsehoods, methods favoured
by the current regime to keep itself in power. Almost ten years of transition
from an absolute power, that is enough.
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Politics
